(The translator’s job is to translate. It is up to others to review a
work but in this case, my role as translator and my role as an independent
citizen of Sri Lanka got admixed. Here therefore, is the strange phenomenon of
a translator actually reviewing his own work)
I have never voted in an election despite the fact that it was my right and my franchise to do so. I refrained because I was not entirely convinced of the truthfulness of modern representative democracy when the word Demokratia (demos / kratos) meaning “people’s power” and direct democracy said that any citizen of a nation or community or group who wished to engage it, could participate in government.
People in my country, in general,
over the last seven or so decades have rarely if ever had a chance to
participate. Their only claim to civic glory was “I voted for this or that government”
or “I hate this or that government because I didn’t vote for it”. In each of
the dozens of elections hidden behind a much touted, oft misunderstood,
definitely popular democratic façade, the new government voted itself in,
riding on the short term machinations of a few individuals keenly cognizant of an
individual’s worth either as a brand (saleable) or as a commodity (essential). I
do not vote because history has shown me that regardless of, despite of,
because of, the people’s aspirations of heaven after a given election, the
politic has failed people’s power and I am not sufficiently dumb to believe
that the next election would be any different from those that preceded it.
Yet, the civic conscious citizenry
of the country, whether they vote or not, primarily, keep their ears to the socio-politic,
the political-economic and socio-environment baseline and secondarily, look for
extraordinarily ordinary fellows (not as in the derogatory way that term is
used in these days but rather in terms of brothers) who are smart enough, brave
enough and committed enough to engage in demos-kratos for the social, political
and environmental benefit of all. They are at best reviled or at worst snuffed.
Such is the madness we call this country of ours.
On the 21st of December
2014, I met such a one. On Polhengoda road. I was buying groceries. His small office
and my small home share the same lane so the meet wasn’t entirely happenstance.
He rolled down his window and I said “සිරා
game එකක් ගහනවා කියල අරන්ච්ච්යි.”. He said “මහින්දගේ කාලේ ඉවරයි” I said, “මෛත්රී ගන්න එක ලෙහෙසිත් නැහැ, රනිල් ඉල්ලන එක නවත්තන්න ලෙහෙසිත් නැහැ. කොහොමද වැඩේ කෙරුවේ?” He gave me an enigmatic smile.
That man was Asoka Abeygunarwardana,
the key political strategist in the multiplayer, multipart drama that brought
down the supposedly invincible incumbent President Mahinda Rajapakse. In his
recently published book “Yuga Peraliya” translated into English as “The
Revolution of the Era” he gives us an electric commentary of the
punch-by-counter punch political chess game that should keep people staring
sightless, hours after the last page is read, shaking their head in wonder at
how something this far-fetched could actually happen.
With a powerful incumbent with
near total control of the political machinery of a country drowning in
corruption, a fractured and weakened opposition and the citizenry resigned to “more
of the same” subsequent to a “sure-thing” Mahinda victory, this world-shocking
transition could only have happened if the key moves were made by someone with great
civic aspirations and no political ones.
Asoka seems to have fit the bill
to the T and as one reads through the incidents, one starts to understand the
self-promotional rationale of politicians regardless of the country and becomes
increasingly aware that only a relatively neutral but highly civic conscious person could have managed
to engineer the enabling conditions for an opposition victory. In the immediate
aftermath of the opposition victory, there were many claims made by many people
as to how important their role was in bringing about the envisaged change but
one realizes as one reads through the book that those claims are highly
questionable. Asoka sums this up with a cliché that is nevertheless true in
these circumstances “Victory has many fathers but defeat is an orphan”.
He is at his abrasive and honest
best in his portrayal of the battle of our times and he makes no excuse for it.
Having known him for a decade and having much respect for similar honesty on
the part of his father before him, this came as no surprise at all. In a heady narrative,
Asoka takes us back to January 27th 2013 and the determining factor
that turned the worm as it were and started the campaign and how Mahinda,
riding upon a bucking, over confident bronco, charged forward on a journey
towards self-destruction. Describing the aftermath of that decision, he takes
us through the launch and public acknowledgement of the Pivithuru Hetak Movement (PHM) and, the simple but brilliant
political strategy engineered by Asoka and Shiral Lakthilaka to bring the two
nationalist forces under Ven. Ratana and Rev. Maduluwawe Sobhitha who headed up
the National Movement for a Just Society (NMJS) together towards the launch of the proposal
for the 19th Amendment to the constitution. He states the high
regard he has for Rev. Ratana and how he single handedly wrested control of the
nationalist forces from the insanity of the Bodu Bala Sena and how he managed
to engineer an alliance between Sinhalese and Tamil nationalists towards a
common goal. Reading like a political thriller, the story takes the reader through the political sharpness of Ranil Wickremesinghe, the role of Patali Champika Ranawaka, the betrayal of Udaya Gammanpila, the tragedy of Dayaasiri, the madness of Tissa Attanayake, the doubt of Nimal Siripala, the actions of minority parties, the astigmatism of the JVP. It barrels the reader through a campaign never started, a campaign undone, a campaign floundering, a campaign resurrected literally from the ashes. From the reason why 300 days were cut to 100 days, through manifesto before marketing, past මෛත්රී පාලනයක් vs Unite for Change, money vs no money, cutouts vs no cutouts, the book unravels intrigue upon intrigue, outlines failed strategies giving rise to innovative thrusts and pulls, storms before the calm and loud calls of confrontation, manipulation, confusion, conviction and sacrifice as the variously positioned pieces of this nationwide chess game move inexorably towards checkmating the king.
Three facts emerge from this book
that cannot be contested. The first is that Maithripala Sirisena, in one of the
bravest and most selfless moves in modern politics anywhere in the world,
walked out of the SLFP and literally off the political ledge, with only a
fleeting glimpse of vague political possibilities as his surety and thereby
created by default, the force behind which an opposition could fall in line despite
the fact that it was at sixes and sevens with itself. The second is the
debunking of the claim that the opposition victory was due to the minority vote.
The third is that the floating vote that was created by the Jathika Hela
Urumaya (JHU) in 2004 gestated, matured and ripened over a decade and became
the key block that swung the election in favor of Maithripala Sirisena.
Hanging over all of these political
pyrotechnics, Asoka points out this significant determinant: The people were
sick of Mahinda, sick of his high handed ways, sick of the misery he was
unleashing on everyone through his henchmen, sick of the opposition and its
weak, goalless meandering and desperately searching for a political personality
that had been largely unscathed and unsullied by personal desire or personal
gain and they found that person in Maithripala Sirisena and voted for him.
Yet, despite of all of that,
Asoka points out that this is still a work-in-progress and that initial
mistakes in the immediate aftermath of the victory have resulted in relative
chaos with respect to the executive and the mandate given to parliament and
whether or not that mandate is valid. Such is, when one sees the selfless
collide with the selfish.
As Bobby Fisher said “Every checkmate is a stalemate at another
level” and as my friend, intellectual critic and fellow debater Kumi Nesiah
says “The reason why nations use
Democracy as the state religion is not because it prevents revolutions through
higher satisfaction but because it channels the energies of dissatisfaction
into false revolutions called elections. Like any state religion, it's just
another façade”. I am not able to contest those assertions either as a
master chess player then nor a civic conscious a-political thinker now.
Still, all is not lost. As long as
there are people like Asoka who understands the egos and manipulations of the
many and the strategy to create democratic spaces that had been severely
compromised in the recent past, others who hid themselves in civil society
action for the people when the rulers had reneged on that promise are now
capable of involving themselves directly in government through demos-kratos.